Since its inception the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) has been a country of intrigue and mystique, something that few understand, yet nevertheless something that exudes a sort of stoic power in the face of the world’s aggression towards it. The DPRK for a long time has been a pinnacle of defiance in the face of the Jewish-Globalist agenda, in the face of war, economic sanctions, and unceasing propaganda, the DPRK does not relent, nor will it. The Will and power of the DPRK is something incredibly similar to that of our own Will, our Fascist Will – the DPRK is a totally racially homogeneous nation, socialist in nature, and oriented in complete opposition to the weak and frail modern world which does its damnedest to destroy it.
In this essay we will attempt to show that not only does the DPRK share very many of our beliefs, but that they are in fact our greatest friend. Ideologically, economically, and geopolitically the DPRK not only isn’t our enemy as conservatives and the like would suggest, but they stand to be our #1 ally. To those paying attention, it’s not hard to notice the vitriol and hatred spewed by the mainstream media, Jews, and average idiot when it comes to the DPRK, this of course is by design. The DPRK is attacked by these people for a good reason, which is that the DPRK stands in gallant opposition t Western rot, to Jewish influence and exported degeneracy and filth, and it is a nation that truly cares for its people despite what the propaganda says to the contrary.
Opposite to the misconception in the West, the “Cleanest Race – How North Koreans See Themselves – And Why It Matters” by B.R. Myers makes a convincing case North Korea adheres to race-based fascist ideology:
Unfortunately a lack of relevant expertise has never prevented observers from mischaracterizing North Korean ideology to the general public. They call the regime “hard-line communist” or “Stalinist,” despite its explicit racial theorizing, its strident acclamation of Koreans as the world’s “cleanest” or “purest” race. I need hardly point out that if such a race-based worldview is to be situated on our conventional left-right spectrum. Indeed, the similarity to the worldview of fascist Japan is striking.
This ideology has generally enjoyed the support of the North Korean people through good times and bad. Even today, with a rival state thriving next door, the regime is able to maintain public stability without a ubiquitous police presence or a fortified northern border. Sensationalist American accounts of the “underground railroad” helping North Korean “refugees” make it through China to the free world gloss over the fact that about half of these economic migrants—for that is what most of them are—voluntarily return to their homeland.
Indeed, North Korean ideology finds its origin in emulation of Japanese Showa Fascism rather than Jewish Marxism. Some might argue if Showa Japan constitutes outright Fascist state, but it was referred to as such by even Mussolini. And this admiration was returned: “Among today’s world leaders, whom do you like best?” a newspaper asked Japanese in a national survey in 1927. The readers’ response left no doubt: Benito Mussolini.
During the colonial times Showa Japan sought to co-opt Korean pride instead of stamping it out. It asserted that Koreans shared the same ancient progenitor, bloodline and benevolent ruler as the Japanese themselves; both peoples thus belonged to one “imperial” race morally (if not physically and intellectually) superior to all others. The dominant slogan of the day was naisen ittai or “Interior [i.e. Japan] and Korea as one body.” Nationalist intellectuals attempted to counter this propaganda by reviving interest in the legend of Tan’gun. Set down in an anthology of folk-tales in 1284, it told how this half-divine figure had inaugurated the first Korean kingdom with his seed in 2333 BC. As the nationalists saw it, the tale gave the Koreans their own pure bloodline, a civilization grounded in a unique culture, and over four millennia of history to their colonizers’ three. One writer even tried to establish Mount Paektu, a volcanic mountain on the border with China, as Tan’gun’s birthplace and a counterpart to Japan’s sacred Mount Fuji. The South Korean historian Yi Yǒng-hun puts it best: “The myths and symbols needed to form a nation were coined new in the awareness of Japan’s myths and symbols—in opposition to and in emulation of them.” By the end of the 1930s most prominent nationalists had themselves become enthusiastic advocates of the new order. One writer invoked the elite hwarang soldiers of the Silla dynasty to whip up fighting spirit. Another called on young men to “demonstrate the loyalty of a Japanese citizen and the spirit of a son of Korea” by volunteering to fight in the “holy war” against the Yankees. As the historian Cho Kwan-ja has remarked, these collaborators regarded themselves as “pro-Japanese [Korean] nationalists.
Those Koreans who had propagated Showa Fascism migrated to Pyongyang as they would have faced a harsh punishment in the South. In the north they were employed by the ministry for propaganda, they continued propagating the same war time ideology of racial purity with a red veneer. Rather than being punished for advocating fascism, they were rewarded:
Contrary to South Korean left-wing myth, which the American historian Bruce Cumings has done much to nurture, almost all intellectuals who moved to Pyongyang after liberation had collaborated with the Japanese to some degree. Several who had done so with special enthusiasm, like the novelist Kim Sa-ryang, had been virtually run out of Seoul. The North was more and not less hospitable to such collaborators. As a history book published in the DPRK in 1981 puts it, “the Great Leader Kim Il Sung refuted the mistaken tendency to doubt or ostracize people just because they … had worked for Japanese institutions in the past.” Kim’s own brother, it is worth remembering, had interpreted for Japanese troops in China.
But retaining the emperor’s administrators and technocrats was one thing, and retaining his propagandists another—or so one would have thought. According to Marxism-Leninism, a communist party’s main task lies in infusing the masses with revolutionary consciousness. It is remarkable, therefore, that when the North consciousness. It is remarkable, therefore, that when the North Korean Federation of Literature and Art was established in March 1946, most of the top posts went to well-known veterans of the wartime cultural apparatus, like the playwright Song Yǒng and the choreographer Ch’oi Sǔng-hǔi. No writer was excluded from the party or its cultural organizations due to pro-Japanese activities, let alone imprisoned for them (as Yi Kwang-su and Ch’oi Nam-sǒn were in Seoul). Not surprisingly, their work bore the influence of the ideology they had spent much of their lives disseminating. Having been ushered by the Japanese into the world’s purest race, the Koreans in 1945 simply kicked the Japanese out of it. The legend of the ancient racial progenitor Tan’gun, which Korean nationalists had failed to popularize during the 1920s, came almost overnight to be regarded as historical truth. Japanese symbols were transposed into Korean ones. Mount Paektu, hitherto known only as the peninsula’s highest peak, suddenly attained a Fuji-like, sacral status as the presumed place of Tan’gun’s birth. Much of the Japanese version of Korean history—from its blanket condemnation of Chinese influence to its canards about murderous Yankee missionaries—was carried over whole.
While in Eastern Block after the war fascists were persecuted, in Korea they continued much the same as they had during the war.
To outside observers, North Korea gave every appearance of being another Soviet satellite in the making. But a closer look at the official culture would have revealed a different truth. Where East Bloc propagandists dwelled on the dialectical struggle between the old and the new, their North Korean counterparts presented their half of the peninsula as an already classless gemeinschaft, unanimously supportive of Kim Il Sung, under whose protective rule the child race could finally indulge its wholesome instincts. As in imperial Japanese propaganda, the dominant dualism was one of purity versus impurity, cleanliness versus filth.
And While the Chinese communists destroyed their heritage and tradition as part of the Four Olds campaign and dragged out the mummies of their dead emperors and dismembered them, the North Koreans preserved their Imperial tombs.
The Cleanest Race also contains a few humorous anecdotes, including one about a communist nigger who was expecting a comradely welcome:
In 1965, the Cuban ambassador to the DPRK, a black man, was squiring his wife and some Cuban doctors around the city when locals surrounded their car, pounding it and shouting racial epithets.
The Jews’ baleful influence on American politics is mentioned in Ryǒksa ŭi taeha…Kim Il Sung tells Jimmy Carter
(whose reaction is not given) that the Jews are treacherous.
Also illustrative of the North Korean attitudes is this excerpt from the discussion of two generals:
In May 2006 North and South Korean generals met to discuss a re-alignment of the maritime border between the two states. In preliminary small talk the South’s delegation leader mentioned that farmers in his half of the peninsula had taken to marrying women from other countries. His counterpart made no effort to hide his displeasure. “Our nation has always considered its pure lineage to be of great importance,” he said. “I am concerned that our singularity will disappear.” The South Korean, dismissing such marriages as a mere “drop of ink in the Han River,” responded that the mainstream would suffice to preserve the nation’s identity. More concerned with racial purity than cultural identity, the DPRK general replied, “Since ancient times our land has been one of abundant natural beauty. Not even one drop of ink must be allowed.”
Although foreign journalists took amused note of this exchange, it did not discourage them from referring to the DPRK as a “hard-line communist” state. They seem to have assumed that the North Korean officer was speaking off the record. In fact his remarks were fully in line with the official ideology. Only weeks earlier, the party daily had condemned the South Korean government for welcoming an American star football player of half-Korean parentage and for tolerating miscegenation:
Mono-ethnicity [tanilsŏng] is something that our nation and no other on earth can pride itself on … There is no suppressing the nation’s shame and anger at the talk of “a multi-ethnic, multi-racial society”… which would dilute even the bloodline of our people.
Even the general’s seemingly irrelevant remark about Korea’s natural beauty was orthodox. One of the many correspondences between the North Korean worldview and European fascist thought is the notion of a mystical unity between the nation and its territory. (German Völkisch theorists believed the Jews, being originally of the desert, were naturally shallow and dry.)
North Koreans naturally, as the reader must have come to expect, are opposed to sodomites.
The short story Snowstorm in Pyongyang (P’yŏngyang ŭi nŭnbora, 2000) contrasts the Pueblo prisoners’ 6lth and depravity with the purity of the child race. Frequent showers do nothing to alleviate the Yankees’ nauseating stench, so that a KPA soldier finally refuses to go on cutting their hair. In a half-revolted, half-jeering tone, the narrator tells the scandalous back stories of the captured “bastards.” One crewmember, it is claimed, felt so disillusioned by the incestuous goings on in his family that he “began sleeping with whatever women came his way. Tiring of that, he became gay.” The Text regards homosexuality as a characteristically American “perversion.” Here one of the Pueblo’s crew pleads for the right to indulge it in captivity.
“Captain, sir, homosexuality is how I fulfill myself as a person. Since it does no harm to your esteemed government or esteemed nation, it is unfair for Jonathan and me to be prevented from doing something that is
part of our private life.” [The North Korean soldier responds,] “This is the territory of our republic, where people enjoy lives befitting human beings. On this soil none of that sort of activity will be tolerated.”
The US government having apologized for spying, the prisoners are led off. At the same time a snowstorm rages, “as if intent on sweeping the country clean of all the filthy ugly revolting traces” left behind by the Yankees.
According to Wikipedia article on the Workers Party of Korea, Kim-il Sung expressed a similar view in his speech, “On Eliminating Dogmatism and Formalism and Establishing Juche in Ideological Work”:
“What we are doing now is not a revolution in some foreign country but our Korean revolution. Therefore, every ideological action must benefit the Korean revolution. To fulfill the Korean revolution, one should be perfectly cognizant of the history of our national struggle, of Korea’s geography, and our customs”
From then on, he and the WPK stressed the roles of “revolutionary tradition” and Korea’s cultural tradition in its revolution. At party meetings, members and cadres learned about North Korea’s national prestige and its coming rejuvenation. Traditional customs were revived, to showcase Korean-ness. By 1965, Kim Il-sung claimed that if communists continued opposing individuality and sovereignty, the movement would be threatened by dogmatism and revisionism. He criticized those communists who, he believed, subscribed to “national nihilism by praising all things foreign and vilifying all things national” and tried to impose foreign models on their own country.
At least two L.A.-based contributors to a local, pro-North Korean website, Lee Insook and Yai Joung-woong, are using the platform to spread anti-Semitic conspiracy theories.
“The black shadow government of the United States Jews is said to approve a civil war on the Korean peninsula,” Yai wrote in May on the Korean-language propaganda site Minjok Tongshin (minjok.com), which translates to “National Communication.”
Writing on Minjok Tongshin, she has asserted that Israeli Jews are responsible for the creation of the Islamic State and that Jews in general are a Satanic race.
“The God of the Jewish race created by Israel does not really exist, but is an abstraction and a devil which has made the world a living hell,” she wrote recently on Minjok Tongshin in an article titled “Demons hate the work of angels.”
He said anti-Semitism among overtly pro-North Korean elements such as Minjok Tongshin is widespread, though it goes mostly unnoticed by the Jewish community.
“Because it’s only in Korean, it flies under everyone’s radar,” he said in an interview at a Koreatown coffee shop.
Peck brought the issue to the attention of the Simon Wiesenthal Center, a local human rights group.
In 2014, during a flare-up of anti-Semitism in pro-North Korean media tied to Israel’s incursion into Gaza, the Wiesenthal Center issued a statement condemning the rhetoric. It pointed to anonymous comments posted on Minjok Tongshin message boards, such as… “It is beyond doubt that Jews control the U.S. media.”
North Korea has also long actively contributed to the struggle against the Jew, and not only in rhetoric but with arms and training. According to NK News article “How North Korea supports Palestine and aided Hamas”:
North Korea has long supported the Palestinian liberation movement and the various political organizations that have represented this cause. Since 1988, Pyongyang has officially recognized Palestine as the legitimate authority of all territory held by Israel, except for the Golan Heights.
During the Cold War, North Korea’s state media regularly mentioned the bravery and revolutionary exploits of the Palestinian “freedom fighters.” However, the North Korean government also went beyond rhetorical solidarity and provided Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) with military support. In September 1970, PFLP leader George Habash visited Pyongyang in order to request further support from his North Korean comrades. The North Korean military also provided guerilla warfare training to a number of Palestinian insurgents including Abu Daoud, a leader of Black September, the militant Fatah splinter group that killed 11 members of the Israeli Olympic team at the 1972 Munich Olympics. The PFLP then recruited three Japanese Red Army members — as they would not attract the same attention as Arabs in an Israeli airport — to carry out an attack at Tel Aviv’s Lod Airport. The attack, which took place on May 30, 1972, killed 26 people, primarily Christian pilgrims from Puerto Rico. “
According to another article “How North Korea has been arming Palestinian militants for decades” North Korea has also directly contributed to the martyrdom missions against the Zionists and their exported weapons strike directly at the heart of the Jew in the hands of Hamas and Hezbollah:
After the Lod Airport massacre, North Korea continued to be a thorn in the side for the United States and Israel in the Middle East as they provided military training and support to the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO). Khalil al-Wazir (also known as Abu Jihad), one of the three founders of the Palestinian political faction Fatah, received military training in the DPRK in 1963, according to North Korea military analyst Joseph Bermudez.
Yasser Arafat, the leader of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), made several visits to Pyongyang and seemed to regard the Kim family as an important ally of anti-Zionism. A year after Arafat’s declaration of independence for the State of Palestine in 1988, the PLO leader visited the DPRK in order “to deepen the traditional cooperation” between the two countries. Arafat meant political and military cooperation, in particular the training of several hundred Palestinian airborne troops by North Korean special forces and supplies of North Korean arms.
North Korea likely continued supplying weapons to Palestinian groups through the 2000s. Thai authorities found North Korean-made weapons, including surface-to-air missiles and rocket launchers, in a Georgia-registered plane at the Bangkok airport in 2009. The plane was likely headed to Iran, and the weapons were probably for Hamas and Hezbollah. North Korean experts also advised Palestinian militants on tunnel-building in Gaza. Based on imagery analysis, North Korea seems to have sold anti-tank guided missiles to Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades, the military wing of Hamas. Analysts Stijn Mitzer and Joost Oliemans observed that the group likely received the missiles from North Korea via Iran “through an elaborate network of smugglers and backdoor channels ranging from Sudan to the Gaza Strip.”
On the Southern side of the Demilitarized Zone, North Korean-made tunnels into South Korea have become a tourist attraction. Thousands of miles away, Israeli armed forces saw firsthand North Korea’s expertise in underground facility construction during the 2006 war with Hezbollah. In the early 2000s, North Korean military specialists traveled to Lebanon and trained members of Hezbollah in building underground bunkers for food, medical supplies, and weapons storage. Paris Intelligence Online, a French internet publication which specializes in political and economic intelligence, said that this training “significantly improved Hezbollah’s ability to fight the Israelis.”
Families of dual U.S.-Israeli citizens who were killed or injured by Hezbollah attacks during the 2006 war also filed a lawsuit against the North Korean government. Like the 2010 Lod Airport massacre case in Federal Court, Pyongyang did not represent itself and no compensation has been paid out.
North Korean exporting of missile and other military systems to countries and terrorist organizations around the world directly threatens the Jewish state, Israel’s Channel 2 reported on Monday.
According to Channel 2, Arab media outlets reported over the weekend that an arms shipment on its way to Hezbollah was attacked by the IDF in Syria late Thursday night/early Friday morning. The shipment, according to these sources, included advanced North Korean missiles. Channel 2 added that the nuclear reactor in Syria, which Israel destroyed in September 2007, was built for President Bashar Assad with the aid of the regime in Pyongyang.
Senior North Korean officials received copies of “Mein Kampf,” […] as gifts for Kim Jong Un’s birthday this January…The famous Nazi autobiography was reportedly distributed as what’s called a “hundred-copy book,” which refers to Pyongyang’s practice of circulating an extremely limited number of copies among top officials.
These very compelling excerpts and examples offer only a brief glimpse into the mysterious DPRK and yet they paint a very convincing ideological picture of a nation of defiance towards the Jewish-Globalist Imperialist agenda. These few examples should cast a light on a side of the DPRK that the average person– and even some of our friends and comrades – might not know about, a side worthy of our admiration and support, a side that is part of a grand whole, a whole that stands as a beacon of combative opposition and resistance. I hope this article encourages our readers to continue to research the DPRK, the ideologies of Juche and Songun, and voice their support for this great nation. In this spirit we made the Book Of The Month the aforementioned “The Cleanest Race – How North Koreans See Themselves – And Why It Matters” by B.R. Myers and highly recommend everyone read this text and others to further their understanding of the DPRK.
By Raccoon and Karelian Kommando